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INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT COMING INTO BEING; Senator Daniel Inouye Kills Anti-ICC Legislation

A last-minute decision to drop legislative protection for U.S. military personnel against an International Criminal Court (ICC) continues to generate controversy on Capitol Hill. This has set the stage for the implementation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) treaty, with jurisdiction over U.S. military personnel.

The ICC may become a reality on April 11, when the 60th country is expected to ratify the treaty. Legislation called the "American Servicemembers' Protection Act" had passed the House of Representatives by a 282 to 137 vote last May and the Senate by a 78 to 21 vote in December. The bill went to a conference committee to iron out differences between the House and Senate versions and was going to be signed by President Bush. The bill was intended to protect members of the U.S. Armed Forces from unjust and illegal prosecution by the ICC.

But the legislation was then dropped from the final Defense Appropriations bill.

The conference committee met in secret, but sources said that Senator Daniel Inouye, D-Hawaii, removed the anti-ICC legislation.

"All the hard work and solidarity paid off," declared Human Rights Watch, a supporter of the ICC. The World Federalist Association, another ICC supporter, hailed the move, saying that the ICC "is going to happen" and that the U.S. will have to learn to live with it.

CNSNews.com reports that Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas) is sponsoring House Concurrent Resolution 23, calls on President Bush to declare that the U.S. has no intention of ratifying such a bill. In a letter Paul sent to other congressmen, he said the treaty "conflicts with the Constitution, American sovereignty, and individual liberty." Paul is also concerned that under the treaty, the fate of Americans overseas could be determined by representatives of nations that are unfriendly toward the U.S., like Cuba. (see below)

Meantime, the U.S. continues to insist that foreign leaders comply with the demands of U.N. criminal tribunals. But turning the tables on his accusers once again, former Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic has said that Serb troops in Kosovo were fighting Muslim terrorists associated with Osama bin Laden. At a recent hearing before the U.N. court that is trying him, press reports said that he "brandished what he said was an FBI document concerning Al Qaeda-backed Muslim fighters in Kosovo as he insisted…that ethnic Albanian separatists were the true villains there." Milosevic said, "This is a congressional statement of the FBI. That's what this is."

Press reports in the Washington Times, the Los Angeles Times, and other papers said that Milosevic declared that the report was dated December 18th. But stories added, "The authenticity of the document could not be independently confirmed, and he gave no details of how he obtained it. But witness Sabit Kadriu said he knew nothing of activity by Osama bin Laden in Kosovo, where a Serbian crackdown on ethnic Albanians triggered North Atlantic Treaty Organization airstrikes in 1999. 'It's not true there were mujahideen in Kosovo. This is a fiction of your mind,' the 41-year-old ethnic Albanian said."

There's nothing controversial about the claims of Milosevic, and there's no excuse at this late date for the press to question charges that bin Laden was active in Kosovo against the Serbs. This is a well-established fact. It is not a fiction of anyone's mind. Bin Laden himself issued statements condemning the Serbs.

There is also nothing mysterious about the FBI document alluded to by Milosevic. It is a statement by J. T. Caruso, the Acting Assistant Director of the CounterTerrorism Division of the FBI , and is available on the Internet. Although his prepared statement didn't specifically mention Kosovo, Caruso did cite Albania, where some of the Muslim terrorists that attacked Serbia were based The FBI statement was delivered before the Senate Subcommittee on International Operations and Terrorism of the Committee on Foreign Relations.

The American Forces News Network, which is distributed by the Pentagon, had documented Al Qaeda's operations in Kosovo and many other countries. Its story said, "Al Qaeda has cells in Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Turkey, Jordan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Syria, China, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Burma, Indonesia, the Philippines, Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Yemen, Libya, Tunisia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Chechnya, Dagestan, Sudan, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Azerbaijan, Eritrea, Uganda, Ethiopia and in the West Bank and Gaza."

The New York Times noted last December that NATO had raided the offices of an American charity in Kosovo as part of an investigation that linked two large Muslim charities based in Illinois to fund-raising for bin Laden and his Al Qaeda network. NATO said its raids targeted two offices of the Global Relief Foundation, and the soldiers acted "after receiving credible intelligence information that individuals working for this organization may have been directly involved in supporting worldwide international terrorist activities."

So Milosevic is really on trial for fighting terrorism?

________________________________

Rep. Ron Paul Introduces Anti-ICC Resolution:

http://www.house.gov/paul/press/press2001/pr020701.htm

Paul Introduces Resolution Opposing International Criminal Court

Washington, D.C.- Congressman Ron Paul today introduced HCR 23, a resolution calling for Congress and the President to renounce U.S. support for the United Nations international criminal court (ICC). Paul has been an outspoken critic of the UN in general and the ICC in particular, pointing out the threat to U.S. sovereignty posed by a court with international jurisdiction. A Clinton administration ambassador quietly signed the ICC treaty on December 31st, despite strong opposition to the proposal from both parties in Congress and even some administration officials. Although the Senate has not yet ratified the treaty, UN observers and international law experts warn that UN officials view the signature as tantamount to American support for the ICC. Paul's resolution calls for President Bush to declare that the U.S. does not intend to ratify or assent to the ICC treaty.

"UN bureaucrats don't care whether our Senate ratifies the ICC treaty or not," Paul stated. "The Clinton administration signed the treaty, and the UN views the signature as final. It arrogantly announced that signatures from 60 nations will suffice to authorize creation of the international court. Once the court is in place, the UN will have the mechanism it needs to enforce its global edicts against American citizens. What about rights guaranteed to all U.S. citizens by the Constitution, such as due process, jury trials, the right against self-incrimination, and the prohibition against unreasonable searches? The ICC represents the next step toward global government: first the UN created its unconstitutional laws, and now it needs an international court to give teeth to the laws. President Bush should act now to revoke any symbol of U.S. support for this terrible treaty."

Paul plans to seek support for the resolution among his colleagues on the International Relations committee. "This is not a partisan issue," he concluded. "This is an issue of American sovereignty. American citizens have a right to Constitutional protections. Congress must insure that no American ever faces trial before an unconstitutional international court."

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

February 8, 2001

Mr. PAUL (for himself, Mr. GOODE, Mr. JONES of North Carolina, Mr. BARTLETT of Maryland, and Mr. DUNCAN) submitted the following concurrent resolution; which was referred to the Committee on International Relations

CONCURRENT RESOLUTION

Expressing the sense of the Congress that President George W. Bush should declare to all nations that the United States does not intend to assent to or ratify the International Criminal Court Treaty, also referred to as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and the signature of former President Clinton to that treaty should not be construed otherwise. Whereas the International Criminal Court Treaty would establish the International Criminal Court as an international authority with power to threaten the ability of the United States to engage in military action to provide for its national defense; Whereas former President Clinton's designee signed the International Criminal Court Treaty on December 31, 2000; Whereas the term `crimes of aggression', as used in the treaty, is not specifically defined and therefore would, by design and effect, require the United States to receive prior United Nations Security Council approval and International Criminal Court confirmation before engaging in military action, thereby putting United States military officers in jeopardy of an International Criminal Court prosecution;

Whereas the International Criminal Court Treaty creates the possibility that United States civilians, like United States military personnel, could be brought before a court that bypasses the United States Government; Whereas the people of the United States are self-governing, and they have a constitutional right to be tried in accordance with the laws that their elected representatives enact and to be judged by their peers and no others; Whereas the treaty would subject United States individuals who appear before the International Criminal Court to trial and punishment without the rights and protections that the United States Constitution guarantees, including trial by a jury of one's peers, protection from double jeopardy, the right to know the evidence brought against one, the right to confront one's accusers, and the right to a speedy trial;

Whereas the Supreme Court stated in Missouri v. Holland, 252 U.S. 416, 433 (1920), Reid v. Covert, 354 U.S. 1 (1957), and DeGeofrey v. Riggs, 133 U.S. 258, 267 (1890) that the United States Government may not enter into a treaty that contravenes prohibitory words in the United States Constitution because the treaty power does not authorize what the Constitution forbids;

Whereas the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties provides that a party is not bound to a treaty unless it has consented to be bound;

Whereas the International Criminal Court Treaty breaks substantially with accepted norms of international law because it extends its jurisdiction even to the nationals of countries that do not sign and ratify the treaty;

Whereas the International Criminal Court would be empowered unilaterally to investigate, try, and punish certain crimes, contrary to the current international norm of affording countries the primary responsibility for punishing these crimes; Whereas approval of the International Criminal Court Treaty is in fundamental conflict with the constitutional oaths of the President and Senators, because the United States Constitution clearly provides that `[a]ll legislative powers shall be vested in a Congress of the United States', and vested powers cannot be transferred;

Whereas each of the 4 types of offenses over which the International Criminal Court may obtain jurisdiction is within the legislative and judicial authority of the United States; Whereas the International Criminal Court Treaty creates a supranational court that would exercise the judicial power constitutionally reserved only to the United States and thus is in direct violation of the United States Constitution;

Whereas in order to make a treaty, the United States Constitution requires the President to obtain the advice and consent of the Senate and the concurrence of the Senate by a 2/3 vote; and

Whereas former President Clinton signed the International Criminal Court Treaty but expressed his intention not to submit the treaty to the Senate, thereby rendering his act procedurally inadequate and unconstitutional: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That it is the sense of Congress that--

(1) the International Criminal Court Treaty, also referred to as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, undermines United States sovereignty and security, conflicts with the United States Constitution, contradicts customs of international law, and violates the inalienable rights of self-government, individual liberty, and popular sovereignty; and

(2) President George W. Bush should declare to all nations that the United States does not intend to assent to or ratify the treaty and the signature of former President Clinton to the treaty should not be construed otherwise.

_________________________________

World court now a reality - Will supersede national sovereignty, even of countries refusing to ratify

Posted: April 11, 2002
1:00 a.m. Eastern

By Mary Jo Anderson
© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com

NEW YORK – The International Criminal Court was officially instituted today at the United Nations headquarters.

The court, a permanent tribunal to prosecute "crimes against humanity," strides onto the world stage without the ratification of the United States. Deemed by some as a grave threat to national sovereignty, the United States has lodged strenuous objections to the ICC. As late as Monday there were reports that President Bush had sought means to retract the signature of former president Clinton, who signed the treaty on his last day in office. A signature indicates a nation's intent to seek ratification.

However, the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee would not bring the treaty to the Senate for a vote.

The Rome Statute, a treaty calling for the establishment of a world court to prosecute gross human rights abuse, was launched in 1998. The U.S., China, Iraq and Israel voted against the Statute that year, while nations that favored the court first signed, then ratified the treaty. The final four of the 60 ratifications necessary for the court to become operative were received today as the ninth preparatory committee session ("prepcom") of the International Criminal Court opened at the U.N.

The prepcom, chaired by Philippe Kirsch of Canada, will finalize the arrangements for nomination and election procedures for ICC judges. The first Assembly of States Parties is scheduled for this September at The Hague, Netherlands. Norway has agreed to contribute 784,000 Euros to cover early budgetary requirements for the Court.

Objections to the court by Americans are based largely on fears that such a court could bring politically motivated charges against U.S. presidents and military personnel. Crimes of "aggression" have not as yet been defined, leaving open to future interpretation any number of military operations. When one nation defends itself, is that aggression against another? So-called crimes against humanity include vague phrases such as injury to a population's "mental health." Who is to determine when such a crime has been perpetrated?

Any U.S. citizens prosecuted by the International Criminal Court will be denied the guarantees of the U.S. Constitution. As of yet, the process for electing and rotating ICC judges is incomplete. Opponents of the court suggest that world events in the near future could find the U.S. and its citizens at the mercy of a panel of judges from non-Western nations, or of nations that seek to extort favorable trade agreements from the U.S. Critics ask: What is to prevent the court from prosecuting a U.S. president that topples Saddam Hussein without first seeking assurance from the U.N. that such military activity would not be categorized as a war crime?

U.S. treaty specialists underscore the unique danger of the ICC: It is not a treaty among parties in agreement, but is instead a new, and many believe dangerous, species of an international instrument that subordinates all nation states in the world to the rule of the United Nations' court. The ICC can prosecute whenever it deems a nation's courts have failed to prosecute its own violators of "human rights." Never before has such power been held over nation states, say court critics.

Opponents of the ICC cite as an example of U.N. interference in domestic matters the April 4 report by U.N. special rapporteur on judges and lawyers Param Cumaraswamy. After a six-week investigation, Cumaraswamy accused Italian politicians of "interfering in the country's justice system." The rapporteur demanded a reform of the Italian justice system.

American supporters of the ICC dismiss those objections as "overwrought." Clinton appointee David Scheffer, former U.S. ambassador for war crimes, described the institution of the court as a "significant moment in world history." Scheffer, who was Clinton's point man for the ICC negotiations, now serves as senior vice president of the United Nations Association of the USA, a U.N. advocacy group.

Key European allies have accused the Bush administration's refusal to support the court as an example of U.S. "unilateralism" in an interdependent world. During important U.N. negotiations on issues from children's rights to trade disputes, European delegates have been increasingly hostile to what they characterize as the United States' "Lone Ranger" attitude. One U.S. delegate to the United Nations, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, noted that Europeans were restless with American dominance since the fall of communist Russia: "They see the ICC as one means to curb U.S. power on this planet."

Several U.S. allies, notably Canada, have urged the Bush administration to support the court as a means to hold genocidal tyrants accountable for their crimes. Heretofore, special tribunals were held to try those charged with war crimes, such as Slobodan Milosevic. The ICC has the power to bring charges against individuals without the consent of their government.

The mechanism for charging citizens without the cooperation of their government – including those nations, such as the United States, that have refused to ratify the treaty – requires that charges be brought by the United Nations itself on behalf of another nation, ethnic group or non-governmental organization. Critics of the International Criminal Court fear that granting such powers to the United Nations sends a message that the U.N. is the definitive world organization that supersedes all nation states – which many regard as a serious assault on the concept of national sovereignty.

The ICC is a concept that dates from the WW II Nuremberg Trials. The United Nations pushed for the establishment of the court after the demise of the Cold War. The adoption of the Rome Statute in 1998 initiated sessions to draw up Rules of Procedure and Evidence for the Court. The U.S. has participated in those sessions, but was unable to delete all of the provisions it considered a threat to U.S. sovereignty.

Final ratifications from Bulgaria, Cambodia, Colombia, Ireland, Jordan, Mongolia, Romania, and Slovakia were deposited with the U.N. Secretary General's office.

The court will formally open for business July 1 in the Netherlands where temporary quarters for the court have been secured. The ICC cannot retroactively prosecute crimes under its jurisdiction.

__________________________________

U.N. Ratifies Establishment of Permanent War Crimes Tribunal

UNITED NATIONS — Despite vehement U.S. opposition, the world's first permanent war crimes tribunal will come into force on July 1, after receiving more than the 60 required ratifications Thursday from U.S. allies and nations around the globe.

Hundreds of supporters of the court rose to their feet in a standing ovation after 10 nations deposited their ratifications of the Rome treaty, which establishes the International Criminal Court.

"A page in the history of humankind is being turned," U.N. Undersecretary-General Hans Corell said after the last envoy presented his country's ratification. "May all this serve our society well in the years to come!"

For many countries and organizations, the establishment of the court is a milestone, the culmination of years of campaigning to ensure that the perpetrators of the worst crimes committed by individuals are brought to justice.

For the Bush administration, however, the court is an unwelcome addition to the international legal establishment.

Even though then-President Clinton signed the treaty, the United States has refused to ratify it, fearing its citizens would be subject to frivolous or politically motivated prosecutions.

Washington has campaigned unsuccessfully to exempt U.S. soldiers and officials, and two weeks ago the Bush administration said it was considering "unsigning" the treaty to stress that it won't be bound by its provisions. It is the only vocal opponent of the court.

The court will step in only when countries are unwilling or unable to dispense justice themselves for the most serious crimes committed by individuals: genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. It will have jurisdiction only over crimes committed after the treaty enters into force.

Cases can come to the court through a state that has ratified the treaty, the U.N. Security Council, or the court's prosecutor, who must get the approval of a three-judge panel.

After the ratifications were submitted Thursday, a U.N. legal official announced the court would come into force on July 1.

The court is expected to become operational soon after the states that ratified it meet in early 2003 to select a prosecutor and judges, said Philippe Kirsch, chairman of the commission preparing for the court's operation and Canada's ambassador to Sweden.

The 1998 Rome treaty has been signed by 139 countries -- and supporters have pledged to keep campaigning to make it universal.

The treaty needed to be ratified by 60 nations to come into effect. Ten countries submitted their ratifications Thursday — Bosnia, Bulgaria, Cambodia, Congo, Ireland, Jordan, Mongolia, Niger, Romania and Slovakia — putting the total number at 66. All 10 nations will go down as number 60 to spread the honor.

Richard Dicker, director of the International Justice Program at Human Rights Watch, said "signs are good" that between 90 and 100 countries will have ratified the treaty by early next year.

"The International Criminal Court is potentially the most important human rights institution created in 50 years. It will be the court where the Saddam Husseins, Pol Pots and Agosto Pinochets of the future are held to account," Dicker said, referring to Iraq's president, Cambodia's late Khmer Rouge leader, and the former Chilean dictator.

Kirsch said he believes that once the court shows it will act in "a very judicial and nonpolitical way," there will be less opposition.

"In my view, given the United States' tradition of commitment to international justice, it is a matter of time before there is some form of cooperation developing between the United States and an institution of this importance," he said.

The court will fill a gap first recognized by the U.N. General Assembly in 1948 following the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials for World War II's German and Japanese war criminals, respectively. Since then, laws and treaties have outlawed genocide, poison gas and chemical weapons, among other things, but no mechanism has held individuals criminally responsible.

In the past 50 years, more than 86 million civilians died in some 250 conflicts around the world, and more than 170 million people were stripped of their rights, property and dignity, according to the Coalition for the International Criminal Court, which represents some 1,000 organizations and legal experts.

"Most of these victims have been simply forgotten and few perpetrators have been brought to justice," the coalition said.

________________________________________

Sneak preview of world court
New Yugoslav war-crimes law mirrors ICC's likely powers

Posted: April 11, 2002
1:00 a.m. Eastern

By Aleksandar Pavic
© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com

BELGRADE -- With the ratification of the treaty establishing the permanent International Criminal Court taking place today, a glimpse of what the future under the new global legal system may look like may be found in Yugoslavia.

Last night, at 7:10 local time, in front of the main entrance to the Yugoslav Federal Parliament, former Serbian Police Minister Vlajko Stoiljkovic attempted to commit suicide. He did so as the second chamber of parliament ratified the "Law on the Cooperation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia with the International Criminal Court," the first chamber having passed it one day earlier.

The Yugoslav parliament is adopting the legislation under intense diplomatic pressure from the United States and the European Union.

Stoiljkovic was certain to be one of the first people extradited, and had said repeatedly that he would never allow himself to be taken to The Hague alive. Although doctors are keeping him alive in intensive care, some see Stoiljkovic's act as a chilling portent of things to come.

While this new Yugoslav law specifically refers to "cooperation" with the ad hoc "Tribunal for War Crimes in the Former Yugoslavia" established by a U.N. Security Council resolution in 1993, and not the permanent ICC, its modus operandi is expected by many legal scholars to serve as the model for the latter.

The Belgrade daily, Glas Javnosti, has published the draft of the law. Here is what some of its provisions say:

Article 1 Paragraph 2

The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) shall respect and carry out the judicial decisions of the Tribunal and extend legal aid to its investigatory and judicial organs.

Article 4 Paragraph 1

A demand for cooperation or the execution of the Tribunal's decisions shall be accepted if they are based on the provisions of the Statute and Rules of Procedure and Evidence of the International Criminal Court.

Article 8 Paragraph 1

The International Criminal Tribunal may open offices on the territory of the FRY.

Article 9

The investigative organs and the Tribunal's prosecutor may, for the purposes of investigating criminal acts under its jurisdiction, undertake the following actions on the territory of the FRY:

1) collect information from its citizens;

2) question suspects, accused, victims, witnesses and court experts, including the performance of autopsies and exhumations;

3) collect material evidence;

4) view and transcribe legal documents, including those made or collected by Yugoslav judicial or other organs in connection with the violation of international humanitarian law.

Article 10 Paragraph 1 of the law states: "[T]he representatives of the Tribunal may not apply compulsory measures limiting the rights and liberties of the citizens of the FRY or other persons on its territory, nor act in violation of the standards of international law."

However, Paragraph 2 leaves the provision that "if there arises a need for measures that limit the rights and liberties of citizens, the Tribunal's investigative organs shall apply to the competent organs of the FRY for their execution."

Article 13 Paragraph 3 contains a provision allowing double jeopardy:

3) Exceptionally, a criminal proceeding that has ended with a legal verdict shall be conceded to the Tribunal if the Tribunal's demand calls for a repeating of the procedure before the Tribunal according to the provisions of Article 10 Paragraph 2 of the Tribunal's Statute.

Article 15 demonstrates the absolute superiority of the Tribunal over domestic courts:

1) A criminal proceeding before a domestic court that is allowed to be conceded to the Tribunal, shall be stopped.

2) If such conceding to the Tribunal is allowed, and the subject of the proceeding before the domestic court is a criminal act not under the jurisdiction of the Tribunal, the procedure before the domestic court shall be interrupted until the conclusion of the proceeding before the Tribunal.

3) If the verdict of a court of the FRY regarding an act whose prosecution was conceded has become legal, the sentence shall not be executed, and if it is being executed, it shall be interrupted on the day the accused is turned over to the Tribunal.

Under Article 23:

The organs of police shall arrest the accused without a court order if an arrest warrant has been issued against him by a competent domestic organ or the International Criminal Court.

Article 29 Paragraph 2

The conditions for extradition have been fulfilled if it is determined that the said demand refers to a person against whom proceedings have been initiated, that an indictment according to Article 19 of the Tribunal's Statute has been confirmed against the person in question, that it refers to an act also punishable by domestic law, and that it is a criminal act falling under the jurisdiction of the Tribunal (Articles 2, 3, 4 and 5 of the Statute).

Article 32

1) Upon demand from the Tribunal, the competent state organs of the FRY shall perform investigatory acts, collect the necessary data on the criminal act and their performer and other data relevant to the criminal proceeding, issue an arrest warrant, take witness protection measures, deliver calls and other written communication sent by the Tribunal to persons residing in the FRY and perform other acts relevant to the procedure before the Tribunal.

2) The Tribunal's representatives shall be allowed presence in the performance of the acts provided for in Paragraph 1 of this article, as well as be allowed to pose questions, make suggestions and perform other acts in connection with the proceeding.

Article 33

At the Tribunal's request, the Federal Justice Ministry shall allow the transit of the accused, witnesses and other persons over the territory of the FRY.

Article 38

1) The judges, prosecutor and registrar of the Tribunal enjoy the immunity and privileges accorded to diplomatic representatives serving in the FRY.

2) Employees of the Tribunal's office and its other representatives enjoy the immunity and privileges recognized by international law.

The law about to be passed by the Yugoslav parliament is designed to be a political expedient, brought for the purposes of reducing U.S. and EU pressure on the country until a new constitutional law can be brought. (Last month, the EU brokered a deal by which the present Yugoslav federation has ceased to exist, to be replaced by a "loose confederation" made up of the country's two republics, Serbia and Montenegro, whose name the new country will carry. A new "constitutional charter" is supposed to be completed by June of this year.)

In connection with this, the opposition Socialist and Serbian Radical parties argued during the parliamentary debate on the law that it was "unconstitutional" and that those that proposed it would "sooner or later" have to legally answer for it.

One of the members of the coalition that supports the law, the Socialist Peoples Party of Montenegro, which agreed to support the law only at the last minute under intensifying threats of new international economic sanctions against Yugoslavia, has stated openly that the law shall apply only to the 20 "suspects" for which indictments have already been issued, and that any further extraditions, barring a change in the constitution, would constitute a "serious violation of the law."

On the other hand, Florence Hartman, spokeswoman for the Hague Chief Prosecutor, Carla del Ponte, in an earlier interview with the Voice of America, declared that "the law was not necessary," and that the Statute of the Tribunal was automatically superior to any national law.

Yugoslav Minister of Justice Vladan Batic confirmed that the "international community and The Hague are much more interested in effects than in our talk about laws. What is important is that extraditions take place." He added that the extradition procedure should last 10-11 days "at most" following the law's passage, which is when the first extraditions should be expected.

Serbian prime minister Zoran Djindjic has stated that he expects that this law has "fulfilled" the demands posed by the "international community" and "regulated" the country's relations with the United States, whose Congress has conditioned further economic aid and support on "cooperation" with the Hague Tribunal.

At the same time, there are voices in the U.S. raising concern at the establishment of the permanent International Criminal Court.

The U.S. Ambassador for War Crimes, Pierre-Richard Prosper, who traveled to Belgrade last week in order to apply pressure on the Yugoslav government to "cooperate" with the ad hoc Hague Tribunal, has himself expressed grave reservations regarding the permanent ICC, stating last week that "the removing of signature [from the treaty], unsigning, is within the range of options that we are considering."

However, according to its charter, the permanent ICC shall have jurisdiction over all the world's nations, even those that haven't signed or ratified the treaty that institutes it as a body of the United Nations. It shall initially try "war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide," but the ability to continually amend its statute carries with it the potential for an indefinite expansion of the new International Criminal Court's powers.

Aleksandar Pavic in Belgrade covers Yugoslavia for WorldNetDaily.com. 

____________________________________

Welcome to the New World - Court
Reuters


Published 04. 10. 02 at 20:05 Sierra Times

UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - Despite militant opposition from the United States, the first permanent global criminal court to prosecute the world's most heinous crimes becomes a reality on Thursday.

At a ceremony at U.N. headquarters, 10 countries bring the total number of ratifications from 56 to 66 -- six more than needed to bring the treaty establishing the tribunal into force on July 1.

The 10 are Bosnia, Bulgaria, Cambodia, Congo, Ireland, Jordan, Mongolia, Niger, Romania and Slovakia. All deposit their ratification papers at the same time so that the honor of being the 60th nation will not just go to one country.

"It is an extremely significant moment in world history, the achievement of this court," said David Scheffer, the former U.S. ambassador for war crimes in the Clinton administration.

While it will be only months for the treaty officially to come into force to investigate and prosecute war crimes, mass murder and other gross human rights violations, the court -- based in the Hague -- is expected to be functioning in 2003.

Furious at the concept of an international court, a number of U.S. congressmen have proposed measures forbidding U.S. contact with the tribunal and punishing nations who do.

The Bush administration is also considering withdrawing former President Bill Clinton's signature on the treaty, setting Washington on a collision course with the European Union , the driving force behind the court.

But the complicated treaty has been ratified much sooner than anticipated. Canada's Phillipe Kirsch, president of the court's preparatory commission, said optimists expected the 60 approvals in 10 years and pessimists thought it would take 20.

"There has been a sea change against the impunity associated with horrific crimes," said Richard Dicker, associate counsel of Human Rights Watch. "What the Bush administration decides to do will not derail that but put it on the wrong side of history."

Spurred by the Nazi war crimes tribunal at Nuremberg at the end of World War II, the court has been an off and on issue over the past half century. Germany now is one of its strongest advocates, as were numerous officials in Israel's former Labor government, which was among 139 states who signed the treaty.

The final impetus came after the U.N. Security Council established temporary tribunals to deal with war crimes in the former Yugoslavia and genocide in Rwanda. The new court, which cannot try crimes retroactively, would obviate the need for any future ad hoc tribunals.

"Those two back-to-back genocides were the engine that has driven this process as fast as it has," Dicker said. "It is a tribute to the victims."

The absence of a permanent court, human rights leaders say, had made it impossible to try such suspects as Pol Pot, who led a Cambodian government that left 1 million people dead in the 1970s, or Iraqi President Saddam Hussein , who used poison gas on rebellious Kurds in 1988.

NOT EVERYONE COMES TO THE PARTY

However, not everyone is coming to Thursday's party. Russia and China have held their distance and Asia, compared to Latin and America and Africa, is the only continent where few nations back the court.

The Bush administration, as the Clinton administration before it, opposes the entire concept of the court and fears that Americans on duty abroad would be vulnerable to frivolous or ideological prosecutions.

American servicemen, for example, would only be subject to the court's jurisdiction if the United States failed to investigate their war crime and the territory on which the crime was committed had ratified the treaty.

Clinton signed the treaty to have some influence over nations who will set up the court but made clear he would not submit it to Congress for ratification.

Now the Republican administration of President George W. Bush is considering rescinding his signature, opposing the concept of an international tribunal unless approved by the U.N. Security Council, where Washington has a veto.

"Anything is possible. What's possible is that we will remain a signatory or that we may not," said Pierre-Richard Prosper, the U.S. ambassador-at-large for war crimes.

Scheffer said such a step would send a "powerful signal" to other countries that have signed but not yet ratified other treaties important to the United States.

"And they would be given a green light to unsign such treaties as the one on chemical weapons, torture or the 12 anti-terrorist conventions," he said. "We need to stay in the game and observe how the court operates."

_____________________________

UN Forges War Crimes Tribunal - World's First Permanent War Crimes Tribunal Set To Debut on July 1


The Associated Press

UNITED NATIONS April 11 — The world's first permanent war crimes tribunal got the necessary international backing Thursday to come into force on July 1, a milestone hailed by human rights advocates and many nations but strongly opposed by the United States.

A dream ever since the United Nations was established over five decades ago, the court became a reality when its founding treaty received the required 60 ratifications.

At a brief ceremony at U.N. headquarters, over 500 supporters of the tribunal rose in a standing ovation after 10 nations deposited their ratifications, bringing the number of countries now legally bound to cooperate with the International Criminal Court to 66.

"The time is at last coming when humanity no longer has to bear impotent witness to the worst atrocities, because those tempted to commit such crimes will know that justice awaits them," U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan said in a video message from Rome, where the treaty was adopted in 1998. "Let it be a deterrent to the wicked, and a ray of hope for the innocent and helpless."

Those hopes were echoed by France, Sweden Denmark and the Coalition for the International Criminal Court, which represents some 1,000 organizations.

"Too much of history is the story of wars won and peace lost. Today, peace has won and war has lost," said William Pace, who heads the coalition.

"It will be the court where the Saddam Husseins, Pol Pots and Agosto Pinochets of the future are held to account," said Richard Dicker, director of the International Justice Program at Human Rights Watch, referring to Iraq's president, Cambodia's late Khmer Rouge leader, and the former Chilean dictator.

Even though then-U.S. President Bill Clinton signed the Rome treaty, the U.S. seat in the crowded chamber was empty. The Bush administration boycotted the ceremony, just as it has not attended plenary meetings preparing for the court's operations.

Pierre-Richard Prosper, the U.S. ambassador for war crimes, restated President Bush's opposition to the treaty and refusal to ratify it. The United States fears American citizens would be subject to frivolous or politically motivated prosecutions. It is the only vocal opponent of the court.

"The goal is noble and we agree with the goal of accountability for war crimes. What we disagree with is this precise mechanism for putting this goal in place," Prosper said in a conference call to reporters from Washington.

Two weeks ago, Prosper said the United States was considering "unsigning" the treaty to stress that it will not be bound by its provisions. Although he said Thursday that no decision will be made in the next few weeks, his comments indicated that Bush will withdraw the U.S. signature.

"We don't want to cause confusion or create expectations that we will be part of this process," Prosper said. "We do believe that if we are not a party to the treaty we are not under the jurisdiction of the treaty."

The court will fill a gap in the international justice system first recognized by the U.N. General Assembly in 1948 after the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials for World War II's German and Japanese war criminals.

At present, the International Court of Justice deals with disputes between states. Tribunals have been created for special situations, like the 1994 Rwanda genocide and war crimes in former Yugoslavia. But no mechanism existed to hold individuals criminally responsible.

In the past 50 years, more than 86 million civilians died in some 250 conflicts around the world, and more than 170 million people were stripped of their rights, property and dignity, according to the Coalition for the Court.

"Most of these victims have been simply forgotten and few perpetrators have been brought to justice," it said.

The court will step in only when countries are unwilling or unable to dispense justice themselves for the most serious crimes committed by individuals: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and eventually crimes of aggression when parties agree to a definition.

It will have jurisdiction only over crimes committed after the treaty enters into force. Cases can come to the court through a state that has ratified the treaty, the U.N. Security Council, or the court's prosecutor, who must get the approval of a three-judge panel.

Washington has campaigned unsuccessfully to exempt U.S. soldiers and officials from its jurisdiction, arguing that the safeguards against political prosecutions are not sufficient.

"The prosecutor and a handful of judges could make a political decision to prosecute a U.S. official or serviceman. This is a possibility we take seriously," Prosper said.

Philippe Kirsch, chairman of the commission preparing for the court's operation and Canada's ambassador to Sweden, said he believes the United States will eventually cooperate with the court.

Kirsch said he expects the court to become operational soon after the states that have ratified the treaty meet in early 2003 to select a prosecutor and judges.

Richard Dicker, director of the International Justice Program at Human Rights Watch, said "signs are good" that between 90 and 100 countries will have ratified the treaty by early next year.

_______________________________  

ON CAPITOL HILL                         

Bill would keep U.S. out of world court House measure calls any move against servicemen 'act of aggression'

Posted: April 12, 2002                         
1:00 a.m. Eastern
By Jon Dougherty                         
© 2002 WorldNetDaily.com

A Texas lawmaker has drafted a bill that would ban the United States from participating in the newly formed International Criminal Court.

Rep. Ron Paul, R-Texas, is set to introduce "The American Service member and Citizen Protection Act of 2002," which he said "repudiates ICC jurisdiction over American citizens." The bill essentially provides that "the International Criminal Court is not valid with respect to the United States," said a draft copy obtained by WorldNetDaily. Paul said his bill seeks to protect "American citizens against the ICC by urging President Bush to rescind the foolish Clinton administration signature of the ICC treaty." It would also ban "the use of U.S. taxpayer funds for the court, and deems ICC actions against U.S. servicemen acts of aggression against America," said a statement issued by Paul's office.

"The ICC is completely illegitimate, even under the U.N.’s own charter," Paul said.

"We characterize this legislation as a counteroffensive at this point," Jeff Deist, a spokesman for Paul, told WorldNetDaily.  "Congressman Paul has many findings in the bill that lays out the case against the legitimacy and authority of the (ICC)."

Among them, said the Texas lawmaker, is the fact that the world body's "charter gives neither the U.N. General Assembly nor any other U.N. agency lawmaking authority."

"In other words," he continued, "there cannot be U.N. 'laws,' and there is no valid law authorizing the establishment of the ICC. The ratification of the ICC treaty, whether by 60 nations or 1,000, does nothing to give the court any legal authority whatsoever."

The bill notes that that under the terms of the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, "no nation may be bound by a treaty to which that nation has not consented."

"Therefore the United States, which has not consented" to the ICC "cannot be bound" by its terms, the bill says.

It notes that the ICC is "wholly unauthorized by the Charter of the United Nations." And, it says the ICC statute "also contravenes the principle of government only by the consent of the governed," which is "enshrined in the American national charter, the Declaration of Independence."

The ICC's authority, the bill notes, circumvents U.S. constitutional "principles of separation of powers, federalism and trial by jury that are guaranteed" to Americans.

The ICC "by design and effect, is an illegitimate court," the bill states.
Paul thinks the world court could be used as a tool against the global interests of the U.S.

"The ICC, like the U.N. itself, will be used for political purposes," he said. "Far from being neutral, the court will serve as a weapon against disfavored nations and leaders. Given the anti-American sentiment that pervades the U.N., we can only assume that the court will be used one day to prosecute Americans who offend our many enemies among U.N. member states."

As WND reported, the world court was officially instituted yesterday at the U.N.'s New York City headquarters. According to its charter, the ICC is a permanent tribunal established ostensibly to prosecute "crimes against humanity." Clinton signed the treaty on his last day in office, Jan. 20, 2001, but it has never been ratified by the Senate. But as late as Monday there were reports that President Bush had sought means to retract the signature of the former president

Deist confirmed that Bush has talked of finding a way to withdraw Clinton's signature, but he said talk in Washington is sometimes cheap.

"The ICC cannot exercise legitimate jurisdiction over American citizens," Paul said. "Furthermore, the Senate cannot constitutionally ratify any treaty that attempts to surrender the judicial function to an international agency. Our Constitution guarantees every American citizen various rights before, during and after a criminal arrest and trial, and no valid treaty can deny our citizens those rights."

Deist told WND that the bill is similar to legislation introduced in the House and Senate last summer, but that the Texas lawmaker's bill "is more zesty."

He also said the measure had garnered at least 15 co-sponsors by midday yesterday but it is so new that it has yet to be assigned a number.